miércoles, marzo 29, 2017

Common terrains. I. “Lower criminal incidence”




By: Perro

In line with the official discourse, there is a “lower criminal incidence”, in one of the countries with the highest number of violent deaths, forced disappearance and kidnapping. They even go mad if one does not remember all their important advances and remarkable victories, accusing the people to have amnesia. To further demonstrate that is not the case, here is a compilation of the “advances” made in public security:

“The functionary {Public Security Secretariat of the Federal District (SSPDF in Spanish), Jesús Rodríguez Almeida} claimed that the criminal incidence have had a descending impact in Mexico City. He attributed this success largely due to the program Ciudad Segura (“Safe City”) which includes 14 446 cameras that are under surveillance throughout the day […]”
Atribuye SSP a Ciudad Segura baja en la incidencia delictiva, La Jornada, February, 2013.

“[…] the government of Enrique Peña Nieto opted, from the beginning, for the overused speech of the “downscaled criminal incidence”. […] Zeta registered, for the first 11 months of Peña’s administration, 19 016 executions until October 30th, 2013.”
Peña va superando a Calderón… en número de muertos, Proceso 1936, 2013.

“The increase from 138 to 209 murders in one year in the capital city of Michoacan and the constant complains of neighbors from different sectors of the city about insecurity oppose official declarations on the downscaling of the criminal incidence. This is a fact that is accepted, even by those in charge of keeping the public order in the city, as well as by representatives of the Morelia municipality.”
Violencia e inseguridad en aumento para Morelia, Cambio de Michoacán, February 2014.

“Mexico's interior minister, Miguel Ángel Osorio Chong, stated that in 2014 there is a downscaling of the criminal incidence throughout the country, mainly in violent crimes, thanks to the tasks of action and prevention from the central administration and their coordination with States and municipalities.

The coordination of efforts to warrant both peace and crime fight “is an imperative that we have turned into truth”, he claimed when he appeared in front of the Joint Commissions of Ministry of the Interior and Public Security, on the occasion of the second Government Report of the central administration”
Nota N°. 8304, Agencia de Noticias de la Cámara de Diputados, LXIII Legislatura, September 2014.

“According to the report {jointly elaborated by the ministry of the Interior (Segob), the Secretariat of National Defense (SEDENA) and the Ministry of the Navy (Semar) and the Attorney General's Office (PGR)}, during 2014, 1 590 282 crimes were reported to the procurators and district attorneys, which represents a decrease of 5% as compared to 1 681 077 crimes reported in 2013 and 7% respect to 1 704 918 of criminal acts reported in 2012.”
Baja índice de homicidios en México: SeGob, Excélsior, February 2015.

“The governor of the State of Mexico, Eruviel Ávila, publicly recognized the Mexican Army for their 103 anniversary and for their participation in the program “Mexiquenses Más Seguros” (Safer Mexicans from the State of Mexico), by which a 22% reduction in the criminal incidence was achieved, he said […] joined by the military high commands of important military regions in the national territory […], he assured that the elements of the Army have not only provided assistance to the people in the State of Mexico during emergencies or catastrophes, but also regarding security matters.”
Baja 22% la incidencia delictiva: Eruviel Ávila, El Universal, February 2016.

“Together with the grave developments in Iguala, Tanhuato, Apatzingán, La Calera, Ostula, and Nochixtlán, the massacre of Tlatlaya will historically mark the autocratic regime of Enrique Peña Nieto. Tlatlaya directly involves the Mexican Army and is in its way to impunity, despite that the Attorney General's Office (PGE) and the National Commission of Human Rights (CNDH) accredited that on June 30th of 2014 military executed in an extra legal way, arbitrarily and summarily, executed a number of eight to 15 civilians, of 22 causalities in a warehouse in San Pedro Limón, in the State of Mexico.

[…] On May 13th, 2016, the magistrate of the State of Mexico, Adalid Ambriz, ordered the release of three soldiers facing a criminal proceeding from civil offenses derived from aggravated homicide and abetting obstruction as to the jurisdiction over illicit alteration and modification of vestiges of the criminal scene (alteration of the scene of the crime and planting evidence); thus, all alleged actual perpetrators of Tlatlaya go free of charges.

[…]As the director of Military Justice Brigadier General Gonzalo Corona declared to La Jornada, the historic and legal truth on Tlatlaya is that there was no military responsibility. For the military headship -who, as his peers, is very fond to conjugate the verb to repulse as an excuse to exempt the Army in arbitrary or summary executions- some military conducts are considered as offenses due to particular or group interests and disseminated biased to undermine the confidence of the citizens in the armed forces (El Universal, 4/7/16).”
Tlatlaya: impunidad militar, La Jornada, July, 2016.

“As it has been accurately pointed out by specialists and different civil organizations, “the increasing number of murders of women is a tragedy and a national embarrassment”; feminicides have become an epidemic in our country. Between 2006 and 2013, most of the killings of women occurred in their own homes, which give an account of the level of domestic violence that are experienced by Mexican women; however, from 2009 on, the number of murdered women in public places has been increasing, which reveals the growing social violence of which currently women are subject.

The feminicides that occurred in Mexico are news seen with horror outside of the country, but here are offenses that just as others that particularly hurt women have been made invisible in the institutional, private and social ambits. […] According to the United Nations (UN), seven women are killed in Mexico each day, which makes us, in accordance with an analysis by TrustLaw for the Thomson Reuters Foundation, one of the G-20 members in which women are least protected just below India, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia and South Africa.

[…] According to data from the National Institute of Geography and Statistics (INEGI), between 2013 and 2015, 6488 women were assassinated. That means an increase of 46% than the period between 2007 and 2009.”
Con 'M' de México, de Mujer y de Muerte/Los feminicidios una realidad creciente. El Financiero, octubre de 2016.

“With 11 media professionals killed in the line of duty during 2016, Mexico is the third place in the world of countries with the most number of journalists that lost their lives in a non accidental manner, topped only by Iraq with 15 and Afghanistan with 13.”
México, tercero con más muertes de periodistas en 2016, La Jornada, diciembre 2016.

“Mexican president Enrique Peña Nieto commanded an important succession within the army that implies directly one of the most polemic military figures in the early morning of September 26th, 2014, when 43 students from the School of Ayotzinapa were disappeared.

Alejandro Saavedra Hernández will be, from this Thursday on, the newly appointed inspector and Comptroller General. The army major-general was in charge of the Military Zone # 35 in Chilpancingo and was chief of the 27th Infantry Battalion based in Iguala, Guerrero, during the developments of Ayotzinapa on September 2014.

The parents of the students of Ayotzinapa blame Saavedra for being a key part of the case. The role of the army on that night has been subject of controversy and is one of the most somber pieces in the chain of events.

However, far from being punished for his acts, two months after the dissapearing, Saavedra Hernández acquired broader powers and was appointed Major of the 9th Military Region in Guerrero.”
Peña Nieto asciende al militar encargado de Ayotzinapa durante la desaparición de los 43 estudiantes, El País, December 2016.

“The State of Puebla had a violent beginning of 2017 after finishing January with an increase in the incidence of homicides, rapes, kidnappings and armed robberies in comparison with the same period of 2016, according to data from the National Secretariat of the National System of Public Security (Sesnsp).”
Se disparan los homicidios en enero, reporta Sesnsp, Diario Cambio, February 2017.

“[…] has allowed the Federation and the States to maintain a downward trend in the incidence of offences related to kidnapping” Anti-kidnapping National Coordination (Ministry of the Interior)
A la baja, cifras de secuestro en el país, El Universal, February 2017.

“Mexico ranks worldwide seventh, and first in Latin America, of 13 countries were journalists are murdered and killers or intellectual perpetrators have not been captured or legally prosecuted, accordingly to the Global Index of Impunity carried out by the Committee to Protect Journalists […] it is worth mentioning that Mexico is the only country out of ten which is under, or has been for the last years, no current armed conflict or civilian war”
México, séptimo lugar en homicidios impunes contra periodistas, Forbes, March 2017.

“In seven months Colectivo Solecito (Little Sun Collective) and the Office of the Attorney General of Veracruz have exhumed a total of 253 bodies from 120 pits and over 10 000 bone remains. Together with the buried bodies, a huge amount of men and women wardrobe, shoes, department store credit cards, prints of saints, human hair, bandages.

Not even one fired bullet has been found. The bodies were buried in bags. Lucía de los Ángeles, mother from Colectivo Solecito, has declared that the Prosecutor's Office has been indolent and has only recovered 17 profiles of the bodies found.

[…] While Javier Duarte’s wife filled in entire pages in her notebooks to repeat her mantra “Yes, I deserve abundance”, tens of humble women were looking for their sons and daughters that were filed in record of “the expendable ones” for the Veracruz narcokleptocracy.

While Duarte dedicated his time to steal full hands and to build a network of over 300 accomplices, with absolute indifference and complicity of a large part of the Federal government, the organized crime created its own network of cemeteries and pits of disgrace. They were untouchables.

Mexican press and electronic media have minimized the dimensions of this tragedy. During his six years of neronism, Duarte focused on signing millionaire contracts for publicity with public money to buy the silence and the complacency of the media.

[…] That is why it was also necessary to eliminate some journalists. Not because they were associated with the organized crime, as it was for Duarte’s script. They were eliminated so no one would investigate. So no one would give account of the clues of this horror. So the “peace of the clandestine graves”, lead by the chief of the police, Arturo Bermúdez, continue to reign.
Las fosas de Veracruz, una tragedia nacional, Proceso, March 2017.

“According to data bases from the Ministry of the Interior, from state prosecutors and the reports of death records from the National Institute of Geography and Statistics (INEGI), so far in this administration total 90 694 violent deaths, most of them related to the organized crime -without taking into account disappearances-.

That is, taking into account the death tolls left by the two last administrations, the current from the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and the former from the National Action Party (PAN), Mexico has suffered 212 377 fatalities {again, without taking into account forced disappearing} due to violence and government incompetence.”
Más de 90 mil asesinatos durante gobierno de Peña: ‘Semanario Zeta’, Aristegui Noticias, March 2017.

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